By Jiang Qing, Daniel A. Bell, Ruiping Fan, Edmund Ryden
As China keeps to rework itself, many suppose that the country will finally circulation past communism and undertake a Western-style democracy. yet may possibly China advance a different type of executive in response to its personal targeted traditions? Jiang Qing--China's most unique, provocative, and arguable Confucian political thinker--says convinced. during this booklet, he units out a imaginative and prescient for a Confucian constitutional order that gives a compelling replacement to either the established order in China and to a Western-style liberal democracy. A Confucian Constitutional Order is the main distinct and systematic paintings on Confucian constitutionalism up to now.
Jiang argues opposed to the democratic view that the consent of the folk is the most resource of political legitimacy. as a substitute, he offers a entire solution to in attaining humane authority in accordance with 3 assets of political legitimacy, and he derives and defends an offer for a tricameral legislature that will top symbolize the Confucian political excellent. He additionally places ahead proposals for an establishment that might diminish the ability of parliamentarians and for a symbolic monarch who may embrace the old and transgenerational id of the nation. within the latter part of the booklet, 4 major liberal and socialist chinese language critics--Joseph Chan, Chenyang Li, Wang Shaoguang, and Bai Tongdong--critically evaluation Jiang's theories and Jiang offers precise responses to their perspectives.
A Confucian Constitutional Order offers a brand new normal for comparing political growth in China and enriches the discussion of probabilities on hand to this quickly evolving kingdom. This ebook will fascinate scholars and students of chinese language politics, and is key examining for someone all for China's political future.
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Additional resources for A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future (The Princeton-China Series)
Still, liberal Confucians almost certainly will not be willing to endorse the whole of Jiang’s institutional proposals. Jiang’s seemingly unshakeable confidence in the truth of sacred, transcendental Confucian values underpins his desire to empower Confucians in the House of Ru, the House of the Nation, and the Academy as well as his call to make Confucius’s direct descendant into the symbolic monarch. But such confidence, to put it mildly, is not widely shared in China (or anywhere else); it may be a product of Jiang’s own rather distinctive lifelong quest for an absolute moral truth that would make sense of the mysteries of the universe.
The Way of the Humane Authority can take sacred legitimacy as a standard to test the legitimacy of political power and, in this way, introduce morality into the exercise and process of politics. Should the formal will of the people attain a majority, yet go against sacred legitimacy, then it is against morality and judged illegitimate according to sacred legitimacy. Hence, the Way of the Humane Authority, unlike democracy, is not a matter of rule by a formal majority. It is, instead, a practical rule in conformity with morality.
33 Even advocates of Maoism now, Jiang notes icily, would not likely favor an outcome where “Professor Wang [works] on the assembly line in a factory in Dongguan and . . ”34 19 20 Da niel A . Be l l But perhaps the “original Marx”—Â�one still (at least partly) favored by Jiang35—Â�holds some valuable insights. At the moral core of Marx’s philosophy is the idea that we should strive for a society that frees the large mass of humankind from the need to slave in factories and fields. Marx opposed the capitalist mode of production because it treats workers as mere tools in the productive process and puts technology to use for the purpose of enriching a small minority of capitalists.
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